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What followed was a year-long incessant public protest against the ruling EPRDF at a scale never seen in its quarter-century rule. That was until the hitherto region-wide protests, dubbed OromoProtests, were joined, nine months later, by yet another unparalleled anti-government protest in the northhome to the Amhara regional state, the second largest regional state in the federated Ethiopia, and was dubbed AmharaProtests.
Following these protests, which by then have shaken almost two-thirds of the country and have claimed the lives of hundreds of Ethiopiansin mid-AugustPrime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn announced that he had given an order to the Ethiopian National Defense Force ENDF to intervene in Amhara regional state to control the spiraling anti-government protests.
As one catastrophic event continued to lead to another, a ministerial cabinet meeting of the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia FDREchaired by Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn, declared a state of emergency throughout the country effective as of Oct.
The state of emergency was declared as an immediate remedy to control intensified anti-government protests particularly in Oromia regional state that followed a mass death of civilians at the annual Irreecha festival on Sunday, Oct. By all reviews so far, the declaration of the six months state of emergency is nothing short of a free pass to the ever militarized security apparatus of the regime to brutally put down increasing dissent by the public.
This is further aggravated by none other than the sheer fact that the last 26 years have been marred by a systematic gradual deterioration and in most instances demise of independent institutions both state and non-state in nature that were initially incorporated into the body politics of the country in the advent of EPRDF as a governing coalition.
The slow, tragic death of a multi-party parliamentary system In the general elections held in Maythe fifth since EPRDF assumed power inthe incumbent and its affiliates have unashamedly won all the parliament seatsputting the final nail on the coffin of a prospect of a multi-party parliamentary system.
In the preceding election, held five years earlier, the Parliament had a single representation from the opposition. In the first election after the passing of the Constitution inthe EPRDF and its affiliates had managed to win seats while 75 seats were gone to opposition parties mostly from peripheral regions such as Somali, Gambela, Benishagul-Gumuz, and Harari as well as a people who ran independently.
Thirteen seats went to independents. Sinceelections have been held and governments have been formed every five years. However, the formal government structure has not functioned independently of the party structure.
The federal arrangement was only a scheme used to feign power decentralization and deny responsibility for when things go awry. While several parties are incubated, from time to time, more often than not, their very existence is known to the public during election years.
In the election, for example, 47 Political parties, including the incumbent, have participated by fielding a total number of candidates.
The oppositions are not only fragmented, they say, but also spend much of their time and energy on inter-party squabbles. Just as its predecessors, the EPRDF has refused to share power in any meaningful way with the representatives of the disenfranchised. Thus, with no outlet or means of expressing their dissent, the people choose the last resort, public demonstration.
And, according to him, the EPRDF makes no secret that it must continue to rule without opposition on the basis of the following reasons: No one else can be culpable of decimating the political opposition and civil society institutions. This was followed by a series of legislations constraining freedoms that are instrumental for the construction of a democratic system.
Institutions like Inter Africa Group, a civil society which played a pivotal role in organizing debates on various issues in the run-up to the election, have receded from the public eyes and seem to be lingering in oblivion. In the Oromia region, the Abba Gadaa institutions could play the role of mediation to resolve the impasse or even serve as a caretaker in situations where a civil administration has collapsed.
Founded inthe Council vows to work towards building a democratic system, promote rule of law and due process, and encourage and conduct human rights monitoring.
Stop the Violence by State Security Forces! It also has its version of a similar institution, the Ethiopian Human Rights CommissionEHRC, which is often used to directly counteract against reports by other independent institutions. Unfortunately, most of these institutions are now allowed to open offices in Ethiopia.
Their actual absence from the ground gives the government in Ethiopia the unbridled opportunity to vehemently deny any of the reports produced by them. The then chief spokesperson of the government, Getachew Reda, dismissed the report stating that an organization far removed from a presence on the ground has no mandate to issue an accurate account of the human rights situation in Oromia.
Partial police, politicized military In theory, the police in Ethiopia, which includes the Ethiopian Federal Police Commission EFPCis constitutionally mandated, among others, to prevent and resolve conflicts, strengthen the federal system, uphold federal-regional relations in the country, and maintain good relations, peace and tolerance among different religions and beliefs.
The Federal Police Proclamation No. It has never evolved into being a civilian party.National Cybersecurity and Communications Integration Center (NCCIC) DHS’s National Cybersecurity and Communications Integration Center (NCCIC) is a 24/7 cyber situational awareness, incident response, and management center that is a national nexus of cyber and communications integration for the federal government, intelligence community, .
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These government essays make youngsters active participants in the democratic framework of the country, aware of their government and its policies. A GUIDE TO DETERMINING COVERED FEDERAL GOVERNMENT CONTRACTOR STATUS 2 LITTLER MENDELSON, P.C. •EMPLOYMENT & LABOR LAW SOLUTIONS WORLDWIDE™ CASE STUDY: THE UNSUSPECTING SUBCONTRACTOR In OFCCP ph-vs.comahela Railroad Company, 2 the Office of Administrative Law Judges (OALJ) addressed whether the Office of Federal .
The Federal Reserve Board on Thursday released the scenarios banks and supervisors will use for the Comprehensive Capital Analysis and Review (CCAR) and Dodd-Frank Act stress test exercises, and issued instructions to firms participating in CCAR.
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